I have never much enjoyed writing conference speeches and making PowerPoints — which I am doing now, finalising them in a hotel in Takamatsu, Shikoku, Japan. For some academics, the joy in their work comes from a certain sense of solidity — knowing as much as can be known about a topic, and laying out your arguments elegantly and proofed against attacks. I know that feeling and like it too. But, for me, every body of knowledge you build is always an invitation onward and outward: there is always something new to dig at or a novel provocation to make. A conference speech is an inventory of what you know and think. But harvesting is much more fun than saying how full the barn is.
I am, however, excited to be at the Asian Association for Environmental History conference in Takamatsu, where I arrived yesterday, taking the train across the Seto Inland Sea from Okayama. And, in fact, it serves as a great opportunity for me to take stock of my “Emergency Ecology” article, which I have presented twice already: once at SUTD and once at HKU, both in April, and which I am due to present at SMU in October before sending it off to a journal. Professor Jaehwan Hyun of Pusan National University invited me to join the panel “The Trans-Asian History of the Migratory Animal Pathological Survey” after we met and found the commonalities in our work in June 2024 in Seoul. Our discussant is Professor Annika Culver and I am presenting along with Richmond Wu. Across the four of us, we shall be discussing the MAPS Project which ran 1963 to 1973 from Korean, Japanese, Taiwanese, and Malayan/Malaysian perspectives.
Back during my PhD, I was advised that a good presentation — which rarely extends beyond twenty minutes — is best when it says three things. Simple arguments are made in the presentation, then more complexity is revealed in the Q&A. So here are the three arguments for this presentation:
- Colonial Malaya was a key site in the development of disease ecology. This is a broader project of mine, which I’ve noted before on this blog. It was so as, for half a century, plantation management drove elucidation (via funding and the provision of research sites) of the ecological links between landscape, people, animals, and disease, whilst the extent of environmental transformation and the range of biotopes this led to drove attention to edge effects and landscape epidemiology. Above all, this characterised the post-1947 attention to scrub typhus, which I wrote about in “‘Back to the Jungle”‘ (2023). Not just a vaguely Hippocratic attention to the “airs, waters, places” of disease transmission, under Jack Ralph Audy (in Malaya 1947 to 1959) this was a sophisticated and thorough ecological theory of landscape epidemiology, comparable I think only to the parallel efforts of Evgeny Pavlovsky in Soviet Russia. This meant that, in the late 1940s and 1950s, there was a tradition of principally British medical-ecological research, centred at the Institute for Medical Research (f. 1900/1901), and an active programme of researching rickettsioses, viruses, and bacterial infections.
- Decolonisation and the Cold War drove a new strategy of zonation amongst expatriate researchers in Malaya. Malaya became independent in 1957. Singapore became internally self-governing in 1959, then independent as part of Malaysia in 1963 and as a republic in 1965. This meant that expatriate colonial scientists were replaced by local staff in a programme of Malayanization. Most left by the early 1960s. Before they did so, they had to scramble for new strategies of funding and intellectual prestige, as the Colonial Office no longer looked likely to fund research. Southeast Asian decolonization occurred amidst the Cold War and the expansion of American military and political power across Asia. Therefore American research funds and strategic interests formed the natural new locus of money, power, and prestige. This drove researchers in Malaya to tailor research interests to projects of interest to the US military and the Rockefeller Foundation: especially viruses of northeast Asia, including Siberia and Japan. This meant that in Malaya such viruses as Japanese encephalitis, Russian Spring-Summer Encephalitis, Langat Virus, and Lanjar Virus came to the fore. Despite their low profile in Malaya itself, investigating these viruses drew American attention and money. Materials I found at the Rockefeller Archives Center this March made this explicit in quite funny ways. This re-figured the geographical imagination of these researchers: Malaya now was one part of a chain of sites leading from Australasia through to Siberia, linked by possible virological and rickettsial transmissions. Researchers looked at the Malayan landscape as the possible key to unlock questions of Siberian significance.
- This Malayan context shaped the MAPS project. Annika Culver’s Japan’s Empire of Birds (2023) is excellent on the Anglo-American-Japanese background to the MAPS project. This article shows too however that there was this crucial Malayan background to the Project. Not least, the half-century tradition of ecological research in Malaya enabled Elliott McClure to spend time in Malaya between 1956 and 1963 where he elucidated early ideas on avian migration. So too Audy’s theories regarding the “seeding” of landscapes with zoonotic disease shaped the Project — including in the concluding report of the Project published in Bangkok in 1973.
Those are the three key points of the paper then. Stating them I am itching to hunt down the stray leads. What to make of the parallelism between landscape epidemiology as it developed under Audy in Malaya and Pavlovsky in Siberia — especially as, from I think the 1960s, these researchers themselves began to make links and collaborate? What to make of Charles Edward Gordon Smith’s career, from Malaya to the bacteriological laboratory at Porton Down? What about George Anastos’s work on the ticks of both Malaya and the Soviet Union? But for now, this Takamatsu conference has been valuable in forcing me to lay down an inventory of the paper. Its strengths are clear to me. Years of research allow me to situate the 1960s project in developments leading back to the turn of the century. An attentiveness to geographical surprise means I’m almost unique in linking together Malaysian and Siberian histories. There is a neat explanation for the epidemiological significance of birds in the changing sociopolitical circumstances of researchers in Malaya: placing a history of science into the personal life-stories of desperate and depressed scientists. Its weaknesses are that I have yet to thoroughly flesh out the Malayan influence on the MAPS project more broadly, situate MAPS within the broader history of avian zoonosis, and to properly place it in its pan-Asian framework — which is where this panel shall help.
Reading: Walker’s 2015 history of Japan, semi-recreationally whilst travelling here — though it is good on histories of environment and disease.


